ABSTRACT

This study on mass media in the promotion of government policies in Nigeria was conducted to determine the contributions of mass media research in the overall success of promotion of government policies in Nigeria using Enugu State Broadcasting Service of Nigeria as a case study.

This study is made up of five chapters, chapter one deals with the introductory part of the study. It touches on vital subjects such as statement of the problems, purpose of the study, scope of the formulation of hypotheses, theoretical framework, limitation of the study.

Chapter two highlights the literature review which is other peoples view on the subject matter, the study will attempt to strike a balance between observation and theoretical concepts and feeling of people about government policies.

Chapter three deals with the areas covered by the study and the method employed in the analysis of the data that was collected through research questionnaire, design, selection of sample size, sources of research materials, the research instruments and treatment of data.

Chapter four analysed the collected data and presented them in a simple form as to enhance proper understanding and provide correct statistical testing for the postulated hypotheses in the study using the chi-square.

Chapter five brought together the summary of findings, incorporating the observed data to make recommendations on how to apply government policies for the success of the mass media.

Recommendations are therefore made for every public/mass establishment to appreciate and recognize the need for mass media activities as this will help to balance information.

Finally, the researcher sincerely hope that this study will contribute invaluable quota in understanding mass media in the promotion of government policies in Nigeria.

ABSTRACT

The study seeks to investigate if broadcast programmes on development are given a priority in airplay, focusing on KBC Radio Taifa. The overall objective of the study is to find out how much airtime is allocated to development programming. The study was based on the programming schedule of Radio Taifa. The specific objectives of the study were; to find out how much of the radio airtime is dedicated to development journalism, establish challenges facing development journalism in the newsroom and to assess the impact of development journalism on the audience. This study has employed a qualitative research approach. The study used primary data which was collected through purposive sampling of Radio Taifa‘s programme schedule. It has also involved the use of face to face interviews, telephone interviews and self-administered questionnaires. The study used Technology Acceptance Model and Agenda Setting Theory. The study established that 33% of airtime was allocated to development programmes which is not enough as more time was allocated to entertainment which is of less importance to society; The study also found out that the need to increase development programmes was hindered by financial constraints, the need to beat deadlines, adhering to audience wishes and ownership objectives. The study therefore recommends that a more precise definition of development journalism should be put in place to avoid mischief where the media house airs larger percentages of content that does not readily address or solve the locals‘ problems; and dedicate lesser airtime for genuine development communication programmes for own interests. Also, Since programme production costs are high and business interests are at stake, there is need to facilitate production costs for the development journalism programmes so that interest parties may not swindle own interests in the otherwise noble course development journalism seeks to address. 1

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Introduction

Norah C. Quebral, defines Development journalism as the art and science of human communication linked to a society‘s planned transformation from a state of poverty to one dynamic socio-economic growth that makes for greater equity and the larger unfolding of individual potential. The World Bank defines development communication as the ‗integration of strategic communication in development projects‘. Radio is a dominant mass-medium in Africa with the widest geographical reach and the highest audiences compared with television (TV), newspapers and other information and communication technologies (ICTs). In Overall, radio is enjoying a reincarnation and a great number of radio stations have come up something that can be related to an explosion over the last twenty years, this trend is attributed to democratisation and market liberalisation and also due to more affordable technologies. Radio seems to have proven itself as a development tool, particularly with the rise of community and local radios, which have facilitated a far more participatory and horizontal type of communication than was possible with the older, centralised broadcasting model of 1960s and 70s. There seems to have beeb a rediscovery of radio in the context of new ICTs, new technologies have made radio into a more two-way medium and that it can help bridge the digital divide by providing a powerful tool for information dissemination and access, especially for hard to reach rural audiences (Balancing Act 2008; BBC WST, 2006).

Radio is one of the oldest and most relied on sources of media for information exchange. With time, various people, community groups and nations have utilized radio as a tool for national development. Some of the reasons radio has been adopted as a medium for communication as well as for information transfer to incite social change, to impart knowledge and to exchange ideas is because it spans literacy gaps, geographic distances , language barriers and remains an affordable source of information that reaches the masses. Its varied uses have enabled radio‘s sustainability even through explosions in information technology, such as the advent of advanced two-way communication and the 2

Internet (Odero Mitch and Kamweru Esther, 2000). As a tool for social justice, developmental journalism can be very valuable. A development journalist can speak for those who cannot by informing the rest of the world about important issues within developing nations. Looking at the strengths and weaknesses of a country may also help identify ways in which the nation can be helped. This type of developmental journalism helps in empowering a nation and its people. (Ibid).

Financial constraint is one of the challenges for development content on African radio. Programmes have to be produced on a tight budget, the impact is that potentially high impact educational dramas which require retaining a dedicated team of manpower ranging from writers, actors, technicians, editors, vehicles, fuel supplies etc are too expensive to produce and are therefore produced by separate production houses which are funded by donor aid. Much development content is produced in this way, with radio stations selling air-time to NGOs and civil society organisations to air their programmes.

The prevailing culture of African radio is that of live broadcast, rather than the meticulous and costly pre-recording and editing of magazine programmes, features and dramas. It is therefore no accident that the African airwaves are full of live studio-based programmes, like news, DJ-led music shows, call-in programmes, and live studio discussions. Such programmes give African radio a fresh feel but its dangers in terms of broadcasting unconsidered opinion, trivia and at times incitement to political or ethnic violence when live discussions are badly managed outweighs the advantages. ( BBC WST 2008).

The Kenyan media, thought to be the most vibrant in East and Central Africa combines aspects of development Journalism and the conventional way of reporting to aid development of the nation. (Media Observer, 2009). The Steadman Group, now Ipsos Synovate, in 2008 carried out a survey on the most trusted institutions in the country where the media was voted as the most trusted institution in Kenya with rates above 80%. This point at the power of the media in society and how the study intends to utilize the trust to feed them with development information (MCK Annual Report, 2005). 3

1.2 Background of the Study

The base of radio for development is community participation in and ownership of communication programmes and systems, whereby broadcasting tools such as radio are employed to facilitate participatory processes of generating, sharing and utilizing knowledge to the livelihoods of the people and the environment. Radio for development is development broadcasting specifically through radio broadcast.

Traditionally, radio for development is referred to as programming produced by state broadcasters in the city targeted at rural communities. However from the late 1980‘s radio for development started out on a new path, they established small local stations in rural areas, to cover small (Ilboudo, 2003). At the same time, the concept ‗rural‘ was revised by scholars and researchers to mean an economic situation rather than a geographic terrain (Karayenga, 1997). The focus of this interventionist model of radio, therefore, has changed and embraces both development and the processes of empowerment.

1.2.1 Radio for Development as Community Engagement

Employment of radio practices and structures as support tools in development interventions varies across the continents, this variation has produced diverse, if not conflicting, terms and definitions including development radio, radio for development, education broadcasting, development communication through radio, indigenous radio, development radio broadcasting, debate radio, rural radio, the other radio, community radio or participatory radio.

Radio for development is a practice involving the employment of radio-based communications to support planned change (Librero, 1985: Moemeka, 1994). It‘s conceptualized as the strategic, method based and method driven employment of radio networks and programmes as spheres of and situations promoting deliberative development that leads to collective publications. Radio becomes a tool, a forum, a dialogue and a process of reinforcing the capabilities of local development institutions, enabling them to achieve a notion of development as freedom (Freirean 1972, 1996). 4

Radio for development initiatives ideally places the citizen at the centre of mediated engagement, as a way of strengthening deliberative development and democracy. These radio formats institutionalize public deliberation, which is the foundation upon which public decision-making in liberal democracies is consolidated. Radio as mediated engagement, therefore, offers a sphere for the cooperative production of subject-generated radio radio thereby providing possibilities for perceiving the world from the viewpoint of the people who lead the lives that are different from those traditionally in control of the means for imaging the world (Ruby, 1991). Managing mediated community engagement processes enables communities to develop legitimate policies by using radio to establish rationally motivated consensus.

1.2.2 Approaches and formats in Radio for Development

Moemeka (1994) and McAnany (1973) present five strategies for exploiting radio in development: open broadcasting; instructional radio; rural radio forum; radio schools; and radio and animation. Open broadcasting involves the airing of development messages to an unorganized audience; instructional radio relies on cooperation and guided listening; rural radio forum uses radio programmes to initiate group discussions on specific topics; radio school is used for rural community education; and radio and animation is a radio participation group aimed at training leaders to promote community dialogue on development issues (Boafo, 2000; Moemeka, 1994).

Studies of all five strategies, however, reveal that in implementing them, broadcasters focus on two objectives, namely, audience participation in generating radio programming content and community management of radio forums or stations (Berrigan, 1981; Ilboudo, 2003; Librero, 1985, 2004; Servaes, 2008). Based on these two objectives, IMoemeka suggests that the two main approaches to understanding employment of radio for development as a community engagement strategy are participation in programme development and management of radio structures. As participation in development practice, community engagement has been shaped by dorminat development thinking in its aim to maximize community capabilities and strengths as the building blocks of sustainable development (Taylor, Wilkinson and Cheers, 2008). 5

The integration of communication in development was required to meet the larger ideological vision of modernizing the periphery (Lerner, 1959; Rogers, 1962, 1976, 1977; Schramm, 1964; Servaes, 2003, 2008). Mass media were perceived to have responsibility for social change, bringing new aspirations to communities and societies in order to help them achieve mobility and stability, which were considered necessary stages in the transition from old customs and behaviours to new practices and social relationships.

The dependency and structuralist approaches perceived poverty and underdevelopment as the consequences of structural inequalities that forced developing nations to rely on developed nations for economic decisions and strategies (Kidd, 1982; Servaes, 2008). Dependency theorists were highly critical of the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) that western financial lending institutions were forcing on developing world economies to reduce poverty and strengthen their economies (Adedeji, 1993; Deng, 1998; Servaes, 2003, 2008). This period (1970s-1980s) became known as the era of dependence and dispossession, since the increased reliance on foreign debt were ‗albatrosses around the necks of African countries‘ (Adedeji, 1991: 770).

In the late 1970s, communication scholars started to question some of their earlier assumptions, and began to appreciate the importance of the location and contribution of communication (Servaes, 2003, 2008). It began to be realized that a strategy of local, horizontal communication must be at the centre of a development strategy in order to facilitate local decision-making (Schramm, 1979; Servaes, 2008). Communication scholars introduced the concepts of integrated rural development, focused on development support communication and participatory rural appraisal as consultation tools for collectively designed, meaningful development interventions. New development could be built on popular participation in self-development, the integration of traditional with modern systems, emphasis on self-reliance and local resources, and equality in the distribution of information. Development was seen as a wide participatory process of social change that ‗allows for better realization of human values that allow a society greater control over its environment and over its own political destiny‘ (Rogers, 1976: 117). 6

Communication for development can be defined as method-driven and theory-based public and community engagement strategy, constructed on participatory generation, sharing and utilization of knowledge towards the building of sustainable communities, livelihoods and a sustainable environment. Such a strategy involves strengthening local decision-making structures, reducing illiteracy and poverty, and improving socio-economic growth through coordinated efforts aimed at combating underdevelopment, disempowerment and marginalization.

1.2.3 Radio and Development in Kenya

(Myers M. 2008) The Communication Division of International Development Research Centre (IDRC) did not become involved with the Development Through radio (DTR) experiment until the evaluation stage, but it has funded and encouraged the evolution and development of the Kenyan experiment from the outset. In 1989, Ms. Mary Ngechu, the radio lecturer from the University of Nairobi's College of Education and External Studies (CEES), approached IDRC with the idea of developing radio programmes which would disseminate the results of agricultural research to small holder farmers in Kenya, who, for the most part, she believed, were excluded from service within the traditional extension system. And to obtain a clear definition of her proposed target audience—its composition and demographics—IDRC and Ngechu agreed that prior to the funding of a major research experiment in the usefulness of radio in delivering development information, she should undertake a feasibility study. The results of this feasibility study were illuminating (Ngechu, 1991). Radio indeed was the most widely-used Information resource in the areas of rural Kenya she studied, and therefore, it holds promise for the channel of delivery of development information. Moreover, because the radio is their primary information resource, households put a priority on the purchase of batteries to keep their radios operational. When asked how they obtained advice on agricultural questions at present, all of those interviewed, both men and women, stated that their most frequently-used information resource was advice from their neighbours. Indeed, of the 216 interviewees in the sample, none had ever had an extentionist visit his/her farm! Interviewees, both men and women, indicated that they would listen to programmes which would give them advice and information on agricultural practices - if such 7

information were broadcast, which they did not perceive to be at present. However, they also stated that their preferred way of listening to such programming, if given the opportunity, would be as participants in radio listening groups which included an extension advisor. They believed it important to have a means of "talking back" to their radios, either by being able to ask a local resource to answer any question as they might have, or to communicate directly with the programme producers.

(Myers M. 2008) One important learning from this study, beyond the interviewees' enthusiasm for two-way communication with the radio, was the fact that female members in the households had far less access to, and little, if any control of the radio medium (Ngechu, 1992). Because women constitute by far the greatest percentage of the practicing small holder farmers in Kenya (more than70%,according to Ngechu's research), and since they are effectively excluded from obtaining information from the male-dominated extension system by the cultural practices of the tribal system, women's current problem of access to information resources is acute. On the strength of the information gathered in the feasibility study, the IDRC has now funded a major pilot study of the use of radio listening groups to improve farmer adoption of development information.

(Myers M 2008) The initial intention was to provide exclusively agricultural information but if the farmers themselves made the programming decisions, the subject matter to be addressed in the programmes would not be so constrained. If, for example, a radio listening group determines that its most pressing problem concerns the community's access to health care, then the programming must adapt itself to the listeners' expressed needs. The Intent In this experiment was to determine whether the radio medium can be democratized in Kenya in the same way and to the same extent that it has been in Zimbabwe through the DTR project. The methods for attempting this democratization is to turn the old dominant communication paradigm (Source-Medium-Receiver) of the1950s and1960s "on its head" to create a dialogue between the radio audience and the programme producers through feedback from the listeners in the RLGs, to see whether such a dialogue can increase smallholder farmers' adoption of development information. 8

As Ascroft and Masilela (1989) explain, these sorts of projects hold the promise of genuine beneficiary participation in the development process. They fit their definition of development support communication, whose effect is "create a climate of mutual understanding between benefactors and beneficiaries'' (1989: p. 17). The promise of democratised programming on national broadcasting systems is that the listeners cease to be passive recipients of exogenous messages. They begin to participate in and take responsibility for improvements which they perceive to be important in the quality of their lives.

1.2.4 The History of Kenya Broadcasting Corporation

(www.kbc.co.ke )Transmission by Radio started in Kenya in 1927 with advent of the East African Broadcasting Corporation (EABC) which relayed BBC news to the colonies. English Radio Broadcasting begun in 1928. The Broadcasts targeted white settlers who monitored news from their home and other parts of the world. In September 1931, another agreement was made between the Government and the Imperial and International Communication Ltd which was to take over the responsibility of broadcasting for a term of 25 years. Later the Imperial and International Communication became Cable and Wireless Ltd. First radio broadcasts targeting Africans came during the World War II to inform parents and relatives of African soldiers what was happening at the war front. English broadcasts continued until the beginning of the war when Asian and African programmes were introduced.

(www.kbc.co.ke) In 1953, the first broadcast service was created for Africans. African Broadcasting Services (ABS) carried programmes in Swahili, Dholuo, Kikuyu, Kinandi, Kiluhya, Kikamba and Arabic. In 1954 a commission was set up by the colonial government to look into the future of broadcasting in Kenya. As a result of the recommendations of that commission, Kenya Broadcasting Services (KBS) was established in 1959 and regional stations were set up in Mombasa (Sauti ya Mvita), Nyeri (Mount Kenya Station) and Kisumu Station in Nyanza (at the time comprising the current Western Province and Kericho Districts.) 9

(www.kbc.co.ke) By 1960, it became evident, that independence was inevitable. The colonial government having used radio to suppress the nationalist movement did not want this important mass media organ to pass on to the African government on attainment of independence. This led to the formation of Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) to take over from the government controlled Kenya Broadcasting Services.

(www.kbc.co.ke) In 1962, Television service was introduced in Kenya. The first transmitting station was set on a farmhouse in Limuru and transmitted a radius of 15 miles. In 1964, Kenya Broadcasting Corporation was nationalized into Voice of Kenya through an Act of parliament. Six years later, a new television station was opened in Mombasa to relay programmes and produce local dramas, music, cultural and other programmes touching on coastal issues. In 1989, the Voice of Kenya reverted to Kenya Broadcasting Corporation through an Act of Parliament. The same year KBC signed a contract with Japan Telecommunication Engineering Consultancy Service (JTEC) for improvement and expansion of the national medium wave frequency radio broadcasting network.

(www.kbc.co.ke) In 1991, another contract was signed between KBC and Marubeni Corporation of Tokyo Japan for upgrading of medium wave transmitting stations and construction of new ones. KBC embarked on a major modernization project to upgrade its transmitting stations, construct new ones and improve on switching and routing network two years later. In 1996, Metro FM was commissioned as a 90% 24 hours entertainment radio channel. However in 2006 it was transformed to a full time reggae channel.

(www.kbc.co.ke) In September 2000, KBC commissioned Metro Television as a sports and entertainment channel. December same year Coro FM was launched to transmit in Kikuyu language to Nairobi and Mount Kenya Region. In 2001, Pwani FM was started to cater for the coast region, followed by the commissioning of Kitwek FM, Kiembu radio service, Ingo FM, Minto FM, Mayienga FM, Eastern services and Nosim FM in 2011. This was the national broadcaster‘s effort to modernize its operations and reach a wider 10

audience base by the use of indigenous languages. In 2009 the government licensed KBC to spearhead the migration from analogue to digital. Later same year, President Mwai Kibaki opened the DVB-T centre at Broadcasting House.

1.2.5 KBC Radio Taifa

(www.kbc.co.ke) Brand Radio Taifa launched its transmissions in 1953 having been hived off English service which hitherto was part of the colonial efforts to inform the national publics on the post war situation in Kenya. The station was then known as Kenya Broadcasting service Kiswahili. This station has evolved through the times and lived to its billing as both the national station transmitting its signal beyond the borders. Throughout its lifetime, Radio Taifa has transformed itself to meet ever changing audience demands. Through the times they have transmitted on various frequencies initially short wave, then combined short wave and medium wave before installing the crystal clear FM. They however still maintain the Medium Wave frequency transmission in selected parts of the country whose terrain and topography can only handle signals on a Medium wave platform. Previous brand names for the station were Sauti ya Kenya, Idhaa ya Taifa and now Radio Taifa.

1.3 Problem Statement

This study seeks to establish how KBC Radio Taifa is embracing developmental journalism as opposed to the traditionally slanted and non-issue journalism reporting. The study also points out the possible opportunities not being tapped by the above mentioned radio station. By extension, the research will also help other media realize the potential in developmental journalism and harness it. The Radio Taifa developmental programming only occupies less than 35% of the total programming; this is far too little compared to entertainment programming which occupies over 50% (MCK Media Monitoring report, 2012). All the most recent and reliable surveys agree that radio is still the dominant mass medium in Africa (Balancing Act 2008; BBC WST, 2006; RIA; 2005) with the widest geographical reach and the highest audiences compared with TV, newspapers and other ICTs. This study helps point out the need for developmental journalism in radio programming which is predominantly entertainment oriented. It also 11

helps realize the potential of developmental journalism in transforming societies through the radio medium.

1.4 Objectives of the Study

The overall objective of this proposed study will be to find out the amount of airtime allocated to development programmes in Radio Taifa

The specific objectives are:

i. To find out how much of the radio airtime is dedicated to development journalism.

ii. Establish challenges facing development journalism in the newsroom

iii. To assess the impact of development journalism on the audience

1.5 Research Questions

i. What percentage of radio airtime is dedicated to development journalism?

ii. What challenges face development journalism in the newsroom?

iii. To assess the impact of development journalism on the audience

1.6 Significance of the Study

The study will be significant in a number of ways. First, it will assist practising journalists to realize that developmental journalism is far more beneficial than the traditional journalism which often fuel conflicts besides having no educational value. Non-Governmental Organisations will have a bigger opportunity to and platform to sell their developmental agendas countrywide. This will lead to efficiency and sufficiency in terms of outreach to the Kenyan and extension the East African region. The State and other state organs for example the ministry of Agriculture, ministry of information, the health ministry will have the Kenyan population educated and informed thus able to hold them accountable for the various management decisions made. This will improve the country‘s Institutional management. 12

The government can also utilise developmental journalism as a way of promoting development using information as a catalyst to the wellbeing of the state and expanded democratic space and also to set up regulations to check social vices in the society such as corruption. This study will be an eye opener to the media owners to know the best content for their audience, for students of journalism it will help them know the importance of working on and disseminating developmental pieces to the audience. It will also help commercial advertisers choose to spend money on developmental programming rather than entertainment. Lastly, the Kenyan population will access vital information necessary to help them make informed decisions besides expanding the democratic space.

1.7 Scope of the Study

This study will cover Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) radio Taifa. The researcher chose this as a case study because KBC is a state corporation established by an Act of parliament CAP 221 of the laws of Kenya to undertake public services. Kenya Broadcasting Corporation promotes the Universal access to information for all through provision of free to air services to inform, educate and entertain.

Radio Taifa uses Kiswahili to communicate, which is the national language, a language that is understood by most Kenyans and it also has a wide audience reach. Development communication is the engine of national development and if adopted into media it will help in the country‘s overall development. Despite this opportunity the media uses most of its airtime on entertainment rather than development (Melkote and Steeves).

1.8 Ethical Considerations

With the significance of ethics in mind, the study will exercise honesty at all the stages; avoid biasness in content analysis, interpretation and avoid exaggeration in data presentation. While collecting data from the Programme Managers, the study will exercise caution and integrity in harmonising the data to ensure that the ideas of respondents are well captured. The study will not mention the names of the respondents so as to maintain integrity and the privacy of the respondents. 13

You either get what you want or your money back. T&C Apply

Talk to us right now: (+234)906-451-7926 (Call/WhatsApp)

---