THE IMPACT OF FEMALE CIRCUMCISION ON PRIMARY SCHOOL PUPILS: THE CASE OF MOSHI RURAL DISTRICT

THE IMPACT OF FEMALE CIRCUMCISION ON PRIMARY SCHOOL PUPILS: THE CASE OF MOSHI RURAL DISTRICT

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ABSTRACT

The main objective of this study was to explore the social cultural factors that propel female circumcision practice among the Chagga communities in Moshi rural district. The study attempted to answer various questions in order to meet its specific objectives, which were to identify the form and essence of sexuality among Chagga in Moshi District, determine the social cultural factors driving female circumcision practice in Moshi district, and assess the effects of female circumcision to primary school girls in Moshi district. The study was a case study research design, the population of which was selected using stratified and simple random sampling procedures, while three instruments, face to face interview, questionnaire and focus group discussions were used in collecting data. In relation to the study objective, it was evident that the persistent practice of female circumcision in Moshi rural district is driven by different social cultural factors. These were identified as acceptance in the community, preserving cultural norms, beliefs and tradition, teaching young girls the way to behave toward their in-laws and husband, bringing chance and respect in the family, increasing young girls’ chance to marriage, and reducing sexual addiction to young girls and women in the community. As recommendations, the government should plan and conduct surveys and investigations elsewhere in the country to determine the socio-cultural values associated to this practice. It should also conduct open discussions with community members in order to get their views and insights with regard to female circumcision. On top of that, the government should promote this practice by legalizing and improving environments and conditions to perform the circumcision to women.


TABLE OF CONTENTS

CERTIFICATION ..................................................................................................... ii

COPYRIGHT ............................................................................................................ iii

DECLARATION ....................................................................................................... iv

DEDICATION ............................................................................................................ v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...................................................................................... vi

ABSTRACT .............................................................................................................. vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................ viii

LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................... xii

LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................ xiii

LIST OF APPENDICES ........................................................................................ xiv

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................. xv

CHAPTER ONE ........................................................................................................ 1

1.0 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND TO THE PROBLEM .................. 1

1.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................ 1

1.2  Background to the Problem ................................................................................... 4

1.3   Statement of the Problem ................................................................................... 11

1.4 Objectives of Study .............................................................................................. 12

1.4.1 General Objective.............................................................................................. 12

1.4.2 Specific Objectives............................................................................................ 12

1.5 Study Questions ................................................................................................... 13

1.5.1 General Question ............................................................................................... 13

1.5.2 Specific Questions ............................................................................................. 13

1.6 Rationale of the Study .......................................................................................... 13

1.7 Study Delimitation ............................................................................................... 14

CHAPTER TWO ..................................................................................................... 15

2.0  LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ........... 15

2.1  Introduction ......................................................................................................... 15

2.2   Review of Empirical Literatures ........................................................................ 15

2.2 Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................ 27

2.1.1 Social Construction Theory .............................................................................. 29

CHAPTER THREE ................................................................................................. 34

3.0  METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH DESIGN .......................................... 34

3.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 34

3.2 Research Design ................................................................................................... 34

3.2.1 Study Area ......................................................................................................... 34

3.2.1.1 The Land and Its People ................................................................................. 35

3.3 Sampling Plan ...................................................................................................... 35

3.3.1 Sampling Frame and Study Population ............................................................. 35

3.3.2 Sampling Techniques ........................................................................................ 36

3.3.3 Sampling Procedures ...................................................................................... 36

3.3.4 Sample Size ....................................................................................................... 37

3.4 Methods of Data Collection ................................................................................. 37

3.4.1 Interview ........................................................................................................... 37

3.4.2 Questionnaires ................................................................................................... 38

3.4.3 Focus Group Discussion ................................................................................... 38

3.5  Data Processing and Analysis ............................................................................. 39

3.6   Limitation to the Study ...................................................................................... 39

3.7   Ethical Clearance ............................................................................................... 40

CHAPTER FOUR .................................................................................................... 41

4.0  DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION ....................... 41

4.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 41

4.2 Description of Study Area and Population........................................................... 41

4.2.1 Description of the Study Area ........................................................................... 41

4.2.2 Description of Study Population ....................................................................... 42

4.2.3 Discussion of the Findings ................................................................................ 46

4.3  Essence of Sexuality in Chagga Community ...................................................... 46

4.3.1 Understanding of Primary School Girls and Teachers on Sexuality ................ 47

4.3.2 The Relationship between Sexuality and Female Circumcision ....................... 48

4.3.3 Discussion of the Findings ................................................................................ 50

4.4 Factors Propelling Female Circumcision Practice in Moshi Rural District ......... 52

4.4.1 Cultural Factors Impelling Female Circumcision in Moshi Rural District ....... 53

4.4.2 People Impelling Female Circumcision in Moshi Rural District ...................... 55

4.3 The Age Group the Most Affected by the Female Circumcision ........................ 56

4.4.4 People’s Perceptions toward Female Circumcision Supporting Cultures......... 57

4.4.5 Discussion of the Findings ................................................................................ 60

4.5   Impacts of Female Circumcision to School Girls in Moshi Rural District ........ 63

4.5.1 Circumcision to Primary School Girls .............................................................. 63

4.5.2  Effects of Circumcision to School Girls .......................................................... 64

4.5.3 Importance of Female Circumcision to School Girls ........................................ 67

4.5.4 Discussion of the Findings ................................................................................ 69 CHAPTER FIVE ...................................................................................................... 71

5.0 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................... 71

5.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 71

5.2  Summary of the Findings .................................................................................... 71

5.2.1  Description of Study Area and Population....................................................... 71

5.2.2 Essence of Sexuality ......................................................................................... 72

5.2.3 Factors Impelling Female Circumcision ........................................................... 73

5.2.4 Impacts of Female Circumcision to School Girls in Moshi Rural District ....... 74

5.3  Conclusion2 ........................................................................................................ 75

5.4  Recommendations ............................................................................................... 76

REFERENCES ......................................................................................................... 78

APPENDICES .......................................................................................................... 82 LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.1: Name of Surveyed Schools ....................................................................... 41

Table 4.2: Respondents Sex Representation .............................................................. 44

Table 4.3: Teachers Tribe Representation ................................................................. 44

Table 4.4: Teaching Experience................................................................................. 45

Table 4.5: Pupils’ Understanding On Sexuality......................................................... 47

Table 4.6: Teachers’ Understanding on Sexuality  .................................................... 47

Table 4.7: Essence of Sexuality ................................................................................. 48

Table 4.8: Relationship between Sexuality and Female Circumcision ...................... 49

Table 4.9: Factors Impelling Female Circumcision in Moshi Rural District............. 53

Table 4.10: Cultural Factors propelling Female Circumcision .................................. 54

Table 4.11: Cultures Supporting Female Circumcision ............................................. 58

Table 4.12: Reasons for Detesting Cultures Impelling Female Circumcision ........... 58

Table 4.13: Teachers’ Views on Why Discouraging the Culture Enforcing FC ....... 59

Table 4.14: The Students Arguments Supporting Cultures Enforcing FC ................ 60

Table 4.15: Teachers’ Perceptions toward Cultures Encouraging FC Practice ......... 61

Table 4.16: Effects of FC to Young School Girls and Women in General ................ 65

Table 4.17: Effects of Female Circumcision to Primary School Girls ...................... 66

Table 4.18: Effects of Female Circumcision to Girls' Education .............................. 67

Table 4.19: The Importance of Circumcising Young School Girls ........................... 68

Table 4.20: Community Perception toward Uncircumcised Women ........................ 69 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 4.1: Pupils’ Age Group ................................................................................... 42

Figure 4.2: Teachers’ Age Groups ............................................................................. 43

Figure 4.3: Pupils’ Tribe Group ................................................................................. 45

Figure 4.4: Mode Sexuality ........................................................................................ 50

Figure 4.5: People Impelling the Practice of Female Circumcision .......................... 55

Figure 4.6: People Impelling the Female circumcision Practice (Teachers) ............. 56

Figure 4.7: The Age Group Most Affected by Female Circumcision ....................... 57

Figure 4.8: Number of Circumcised School Girls ..................................................... 64 LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix  I : Questionnaire for Primary School Pupils ........................................................ 82

Appendix  II :Questionnaire for Primary School Teachers ................................................... 84

Appendix  III :Focus Group Discussion Guiding Questions ................................................. 86

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

FC       -

 Female Circumcision

FGC    -

Female genital Cutting

FGD    -

 Focus Group Discussion

FGM   -

Female Genital Mutilation     

HIV     -

 Human Immune Virus

KNCU -

 Kilimanjaro Native Cooperative Union

NGO   -

 Non Government Organisation

RTI      -

 Reproductive Tract Infection

SPSS   -

 Statistical Package for Social Sciences

TPC     -

 Tanganyika Planting Company

URT    -

 United Republic of Tanzania

WHO -

 World Health Organisation


CHAPTER ONE

1.0 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND TO THE PROBLEM

1.1 Introduction

Female circumcision remains prevalent in many countries around the globe, including Tanzania. However, with the increasing awareness on the role played by women in the social well-being of the community, female circumcision has become an issue of global concern. According to World Health Organisation report (2006), over 136 million women have been circumcised, and an estimated number of between 2000 and 4000 women undergo female circumcision every year in

Tanzania.

The history of female circumcision goes as far back as to 13th Century B.C as one among the old practices in a Greek Papyrus (Hugannet, 1998). It had later become common among the Phoenicians, Hittites, Arabs, Syrians, Malaysians, Indonesians and some tribes in Africa. Since the early 1990s, female circumcision has hence acquired a status of health and human rights problem among different Nations around the world, and hence it has been advocated by different organisations and professional associations. This practice is particularly associated with Islamic culture as it has referred to favorably in later Islamic texts and is often perceived to have religious significance. The Institute of Adult Education (1990) in its book ‘Madhara ya Kutahiri Wanawake’ stated that female circumcision is more practiced in Asia and Africa than in other continents in the World.

According to Amnesty International (1997) approximately 6000 girls were at risk of female circumcision and among the countries where the practice has been reported included Australia, Italy, France, Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden. Emphasizing on this, Amnesty International (1997) found out that there are more than 79.9% (80 million) circumcised females in the World. Toubia and Sharief (2003) found out that about 130 million women and girls have undergone female circumcision in the world.

 Kabira et al (1997) found out that in Africa female circumcision contributed to high rates of school drop-outs among girls because once they were withdrawn from schools to participate in female circumcision ceremonies they did not resume studies because they were encouraged to socialise toward marriage.

In 1997, the World Health Organisation, the United Nations Children’s Fund, and United Nations Population Fund issued a joint statement confirming the universally unacceptable harm caused by female circumcision practice and issued a call for the elimination of this practice in all its forms. The three agencies hoped that this harmful practice would end when people around the world understood the severe health consequences and indignity it inevitably causes (LHRC, 1999). Given that practice is for the most part done without the consent of its victims and it similarly causes severe circumstances to females, it is therefore seen as a violation of the human rights of women and of girl child.

In Tanzania female circumcision is mostly practiced in a number of regions and cultures. Gilkey and Institutes of Adult Education found out that Arusha (among the Massai, Mbulu, and Barbaig tribes), Kilimanjaro (among the Chagga and Pare tribes), Dodoma (among the Gogo and Sandawi tribes), and Nyaturu tribe in Singida region were the regions where female circumcision was mostly practiced (Gilkey, 1999; Institute of Adult Education, 1990). According to them, the most common type of female circumcision in Tanzania is clitoridectomy which was practiced in the central and Northern zone. However, it is evidenced that a lot of young girls in Tanzania undergo female circumcision through influence and pressure from their parents (Daily News, 2009). However, cultural and societal identities were found as the major reasons for the practice of female circumcision. This is now carried out on infants and young girls so that they can not rebel and bring shame on their families (LHRC, 2005). For example in Tarime and Kilosa districts, female circumcision has been closely tied with the initiation into adulthood and the teaching of cultural ways that happened at the time of cutting.  Legal and Human Rights Center (2005) found out that in nearly all regions of Tanzania female circumcision was performed on the girl children. In some tribes including Kurya, Chagga, and Massai those who escaped to undergo the genital circumcision in their childhood or married in these tribes uncircumcised would be circumcised during the delivery of their first borns. The study further indicated that traditionally the instrument used to circumcise was the native knives, whereas today a razor blade is often used.

A number of problems have been registered as the major consequences of female circumcision. According to World Health Organisation (1998), many difficulties during child delivery were associated with excision scars because it prevented dilation resulting into tears, haemorrhage and infections. The same study found out that female circumcision created deep psychological wounds as well as physical ones among the very young girls who are subjected to that torture by their own families, those they trusted and loved. Emphasizing on this, Legal and Human Right Center (2005) discovered that in Iringa district psychological trauma was said to cause women tighten their legs during delivery and kill their baby because they remembered the pain they suffered from female circumcision. Rushwan (2000) found out that female circumcision facilitated HIV transmission through numerous mechanisms such as using unsterilized instruments.  

1.2  Background to the Problem

With the increasing awareness on the role played by women in the social well-being of the community, female circumcision has become an issue of greater concern among various social activists in Tanzania and elsewhere in the world. Movements against female circumcision emerged in the 1990s following pressures by various international agencies including World Health Organisation, United Nations for Children’s Funds, to eradicate all oppressive and discriminatory practices against women and girls. It is estimated that more than 13 million girls and women have undergone some form of female circumcision and that each year an additional two million girls are at risk (WHO, 2006). 

According to World Health Organization female circumcision consists of several distinct procedures. Their severity is often viewed as dependent on how much genital tissue is cut away. The World Health Organisation which uses the term female genital cutting divides the procedure into four major types, although there is some debate as to whether all common forms of female circumcision fit into these four categories, as well as issues with the reliability of reported data. The World Health Organisation defines female circumcision type I as the partial or total removal of the clitoris (clitoridectomy) and/or the prepuce (clitoral hood). In the context of women who seek out labiaplasty, there is disagreement among doctors as to whether to remove the clitoral hood in some cases to enhance sexuality or whether this is too likely to lead to scarring and other problems. The World Health Organisation's definition of female circumcision type II is partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora. The type III is known as infibulations with excision, which consists of narrowing the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal by cutting and repositioning the labia minora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris (infibulation). It is the most extensive form of female circumcision, and accounts for about 10% of all female circumcision procedures described from Africa. Infibulation is also known as "pharaonic circumcision" (WHO, 2008; WHO, 2006; WHO, 2000; Elsmusharaf et al.

2006; Cornier, (2005), Pieters et al, (1977).

There are other forms of female circumcision, collectively referred to as type IV that may not involve tissue removal. The WHO defines female circumcision type IV as all other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes, for example, pricking, piercing, incising, scraping and cauterization. This includes a diverse range of practices, such as pricking the clitoris with needles, burning or scarring the genitals as well as ripping or tearing of the vagina. Type IV is found primarily among isolated ethnic groups as well as in combination with other types

(WHO, 2008).

A June 2006 study by the WHO has cast doubt on the safety of genital cutting of any kind. This study was conducted on a cohort of 28,393 women attending delivery wards at 28 obstetric centers in areas of Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya, Senegal and

The Sudan. A high proportion of these mothers had undergone female circumcision. According to the WHO criteria, all types of female circumcision were found to pose an increased risk of death to the baby (15% for type I, 32% for type II, and 55% for type III). Mothers with type III were also found to be 30% more at risk for cesarean sections and had a 70% increase in postpartum hemorrhage compared to women without female circumcision. Estimating from these results, and doing a rough population estimate of mothers in Africa with female circumcision, an additional 10 to 20 per thousand babies in Africa die during delivery as a result of the mothers having undergone genital cutting.

Female circumcision is traditionally performed on women in Tanzania. The rate of female circumcision in Tanzania ranges up to 17.6% of prevalence, with type II and III being the most typical mode practiced, (WHO, 2006).The most affected areas include Arusha, Kilimamnjaro, Dodoma, Singida, Mara and Morogoro regions, other regions include Iringa, Mbeya, and Zanzibar. According to Tanzania health statistics, female circumcision affects 18 percent of the female population in Tanzania. In Tanzania, the practice of female circumcision is not a new phenomenon and is thus associated with a customary and traditional belief. Gilkey, (1999) conducted a study on female circumcision in Tanzania, and found out that at least 10% of women population is genitally circumcised every year.  For instance, Chugulu, (1998) and

Msuya, et al, (2002) on the same subject found out that female circumcision was associated with traditions and customs, religious requirements, rite of passage, cleanness, better marriage prospects, prevention of promiscuity, preservation of virginity and increased sexual pleasure for men. 

However, over the period of time, female circumcision has been associated with a number of problems among women. Rushwan, (2000) found out that female circumcision facilitated HIV transmission through numerous mechanisms. He further discovered that instruments used for genital circumcision were likely to cause tetanus and that infibulations created a bridge of skin which obscured the opening of urinary cancel. Therefore, the normal flow of urine is deflected and the area remained constantly wet and susceptible to bacteria infections. Generally, female circumcision is believed to have been a major cause of a lot of problems among women and girl children.

Female circumcision is a danger to health and life as it is usually performed without anaesthesia and is intensely painful. Life threatening complications are haemorrhaging; blood poisoning, tetanus and gangrene. Long-term consequences include persistent pain, psychological distress and chronic infection from shared cutting instruments. Others are genital scarring which can obstruct childbirth, causing permanent injury even death to women in labour. Female circumcision may leave a lasting mark of the life and mind of the women who have undergone the procedure. Children lose trust and confidence in care-givers. In the long term, women may suffer feelings of anxiety, depression, and frigidity. Sexual dysfunction may be the cause for marital conflicts and eventual divorce. 

Female circumcision is discriminatory and violates the right to equal opportunities, right to be free from violence, injury, torture, abuse, and cruel, right to health, the right to be protected from harmful traditional practices and to make decisions concerning reproduction Stallings et al, (2009). It was also reported that, in Tanzanian women, the risk of HIV among women who had undergone female circumcision was roughly half that of women who had not; the association remained significant after adjusting for region, household wealth, age, lifetime partners, union status, and recent ulcer. The authors, who expressed surprise at their finding, concluded that the association was due to confounding due to unknown factor.

Similarly, Klouman et al, (2005), studying women in Tanzania, found that among women who had undergone female circumcision, the odds of being HIV positive were roughly twice those among women who had not. However, both HIV and female circumcision were strongly associated with age; when controlling for age, the association was no longer statistically significant.

In addition, Brewer et al, (2007) found that in virgins, female circumcision was associated with a higher prevalence of HIV infection (3.2% vs 1.4%), which the authors attributed to non-sterile procedures. Among sexually experienced women, female circumcision was associated with lower HIV prevalence (5.5% vs 9.9%). The authors suggested two possible reasons: that an HIV-specific immunity might be acquired through female circumcision procedures, and mortality of those infected at the time of female circumcision would reduce HIV prevalence in surviving adults.  Maslovskaya et al, (2009) found that female circumcision was associated with higher risk of HIV among women whose first-union partner was younger or the same-age, but it was associated with lower risk of HIV among women whose first-union partner was older than the women herself. Yount, K and Abraham, B. K (June 2007), reported that, although female circumcision and HIV were not directly related, female circumcision was indirectly related to HIV via a number of associations with other factors, including extra-union partners, early onset of sexual activity, being widowed or divorced, and having an older partner. The authors concluded that female circumcision "may be an early life-course event that indirectly alters women's odds of becoming infected with HIV through protective and harmful practices in adulthood.

Lightfoot-Klein, (1989) studied genitally-cut and infibulated females in Sudan, stating, "Contrary to expectations, nearly 90% of all women interviewed said that they experienced orgasm (climax) or had at various periods of their marriage experienced it. Frequency ranged from always to rarely." Lightfoot-Klein stated that the quality of orgasm varied from intense and prolonged, to weak or difficult to achieve.

The reasons of female circumcision are multiple. Women have little choice in the practice of this ancient ritual despite the physical and psychological harm. The practice is seen as necessary preparation for woman’s marital and family responsibilities. There are social stigmas associated with women who are not circumcised. For example it is thought that a woman not operated on will suffer ill health, disease and be affected by a taboo. Traditionally males are strongly prohibited from marrying into a family where women do not undergo female genital mutilation. Parents and communities who support female circumcision believe that it protects girl’s virginity, discourages female promiscuity, promotes cleanliness, guarantees marital prospects, improves fertility and prevents stillbirths.

Insome areas of Tanzania, female circumcision is carried out during infancy, others during childhood, at a time of marriage, during a women’s first pregnancy or during the birth of her first child. The most typical age is 7 – 10 years or just before puberty, although the age is dropping in some areas due to the fact that the government has made the practice illegal. The Tanzania Sexual Offences Special Provisions Act, a

1998 amendment to the Penal Code, specifically prohibits female circumcision. Section 169A(1) of the act provides that any one having custody, charge or care of a girl under 18 years of age who causes her to undergo female circumcision commits the offence of cruelty to children. The penalty for this offence is imprisonment up to fifteen years, a fine up to 300,000 Tanzania shillings or both imprisonment and fine. The law also provides for the payment of compensation by the perpetrator for the victim of the offence.

Both government and non-government organizations have been committed to eradicating female circumcision by creating awareness of such practice to communities. Thus the Tanzania government has made the practice illegal. In 1998 the Tanzania Government criminalized female circumcision, saying the practice is cruelty to girls and children less than 18 years of age. However, in many regions of

Tanzania this traditional cultural practice remains common. It is regularly being performed on girls as young as seven and eight so as to go unnoticed. In Singida region in central Tanzania people evade the law by privately cutting baby girls when they are a few days old. In Mara region the ceremony is now shrouded in secrecy. Although the Tanzania Government officially discourages the tradition of female circumcision it still is performed at an early age in approximately 20 of the country’s 130 ethnic groups. The Tanzania Legal and Human Rights Centre estimated that 1.5 million women have been subjected to the practice.

1.3   Statement of the Problem 

Various efforts by the government, NGOs and individual persons have been made in addressing the issue of female circumcision. For example, the Tanzania government has enacted the (SOSPA, 1998) which prescribes it, NGOs like TAMWA and TGNP have been in the forefront in educating the Tanzanians against the adverse effects of the practice; religious institutions have also condemned the practice. Yet despite these measures female circumcision is still rampant and on the increase. The questions are; why is this? What are the social and cultural factors which still propel the prescribed practice?

This study has therefore been designed to explore the social cultural factors that propel female circumcision the practice among the Chagga communities in Moshi District, despite government campaigns against it. As such, this study is going to find out the beliefs associated with the practice and as to whether those beliefs are valid or not. Also the reasons as to why campaigns against female circumcision are ineffective will be explored. 

Therefore, this study has explored the social cultural factors that propel female circumcision practice among the Chagga communities in Moshi District, particularly those in rural areas of Moshi District and as to why it continues while it is remarkably decreasing in other societies like the Kuriya in Mara and is not practiced among other tribes in Tanzania.

The study intended to explore the importance of the government and Nongovernment Organisations campaigns against female circumcision and envisaged to find out the reasons as to why the campaigns are doing better in some societies while in other societies not? It has thus found and suggested some alternatives and particular approaches to address the problem of female circumcision in Moshi rural district since the campaigns conducted by the government, Non-government

organisations and religious institutions were seemingly less viable.

1.4 Objectives of Study

1.4.1 General Objective

The general objective was to explore the social cultural factors that propel female circumcision practice among Chagga communities in Moshi District.

1.4.2 Specific Objectives

The specific objectives of this study were:

1        To describe the form and essence of sexuality in Chagga community

2        To investigate the social cultural factors which propel female circumcision among Chagga communities

3        To determine the effects of female circumcision practice to school girls in Moshi

District.

1.5 Study Questions

1.5.1  General Question

The main question that was answered in this study was: What are social cultural factors propelling female circumcision practices among Chagga communities in

Moshi Rural District?

1.5.2  Specific Questions

This study attempted to answer the following specific questions:

1.      What was the form and essence of sexuality among Chagga in Moshi District?

2.      What were the social cultural factors driving female circumcision practice in

Moshi district?

3.      What were the effects of female circumcision to primary school girls in Moshi

district?

1.6  Rationale of the Study

This study was of foremost importance where its findings first have brought about awareness to the ill effects of this social practice. To educate the people from Moshi and Tanzania in general on the present social interaction across the country that may lead to the females who are circumcised not to be married in societies, which do not practice female circumcision.




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