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Abstract
The Niger Delta – the geographical heart of oil production in Nigeria has been a breeding ground for militants for some years now. This is because the discovery of oil and its exploitation has ushered in a miserable, undisciplined, decrepit, and corrupt form of ‘petro-capitalism’ which produces conflict accelerating factors. Devastated by the ecological costs of oil spillage and underdevelopment, the Niger Delta has become a centre of violence. In an attempt to solve the Niger Delta crises, the Federal Government recently introduced the policy of amnesty to militants as the solution to the Niger Delta Crises. The study assessed the Amnesty Programme which is basically a Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) to the Niger Delta militants and effect on national security. Utilizing the theory of the post-colonial state, the study argued that the amnesty programme to the Niger Delta militants was basically oriented towards enhancing the security situation in the Niger Delta region for the purpose of increasing crude oil production. Employing qualitative method and relying on secondary sources, relevant data were generated and analyzed using qualitative descriptive method. The study therefore contended that there was nexus between the Amnesty Programme to the Niger Delta militants and increased in crude oil production in Nigeria. Arising from these therefore, it is our recommendation that the federal government should urgently and comprehensively tackle the underlying economic and social problems of the Niger Delta region so as to prevent a relapse into crises.
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 INTRODUCTION
Prior to the advent of commercial oil production in the Niger Delta
region of Nigeria in 1958, the region was essentially a pristine
environment which supported substantial subsistence resources for the
mostly sedentary population. The region accounted for a large percentage
of Nigeria’s commercial fisheries industry (Afinotan, 2009). For
centuries therefore, the people of the Niger Delta were content to
engage in farming, fishing and such other endeavours like pottery,
mat-making and hunting, unaware that underneath their soil was one of
nature’s most prized mineral resources.
Crude oil was discovered in the Niger Delta over fifty years ago, with
the discovery of oil in Oloibiri in 1956 by Shell Petroleum Development
Company (Aaron and George, 2010). Since, oil has become the main stay of
the Nigerian Economy, contributing over 90 percent of foreign exchange
earnings of the government, it is surprising that the trajectory of
constitutional development, socio-economic development and class
formation have been massively influenced and dictated by the politics of
oil (Owugah, 1999). While the Nigerian State may see the availability
of the crude resources as a ‘Blessing’ and a source of pre-eminence in
the global market place, the communities where this crude resource is
endowed with, see it as a ‘Curse’.
This is because the massive exploitation of crude oil creates serious
developmental, social and environmental problems which the Nigerian
state and the collaborative oil giants have neglected for a long time
(Omotola, 2006). Lamenting about this state of affairs, Owugah
(1999:106) observes that “The oil which brought so much wealth to the
nation and those in power, brought much poverty, disease, death, loss of
livelihood, to the people of the oil bearing areas”.
With the emergence of a pan-Niger Delta militia group, the Movement for
the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) in 2006, the struggle for
local control of Nigeria’s oil assumed a more violent dimension. Apart
from MEND that appears to have clearly articulated grievances namely
Environmental Insecurity and Socio-Economic Marginalization of the Niger
Delta people, sundry groups emerged in the Niger Delta as well. Some of
these groups, it would appear, were driven not by liberation ideology
but crime and criminality. Independently the activities of these groups
created a difficult security challenge in Nigeria’s oil belt (Aaron,
2010).
Oil installations were attacked and oil workers particularly expatriate
staffs, at any rate, initially, were taken hostage for ransom. All these
were happening, in spite of the heavy presence of the Joint Task Force
(JTF), comprising of the Navy, Army and Air force, who were sometimes
over ran by the superior fire power of the militants (Aaron, 2010). The
implications of this parlous security were grave. Oil production figures
plummeted to all time low, as many TNCs announced production shut-ins.
Specifically, average production figure for 2009 was around 1.6million
barrels per day(bpd), down from 2.7milllion bpd(NNPC,2009). The country
lost an estimated $92 billion in oil export earnings to production
shut-in and crude oil theft associated with the activities of militants
(Davis, 2009). The cumulative effect of this was a drastic fall in the
country’s oil exports. Consequently, public finance was subjected to one
of the
worst crises since independence.
In what appears an admission of the futility of violent response, late
President Umaru Yar’Adua, on 25th June, 2009, announced an amnesty for
militants who were willing to surrender their arms. The amnesty
programme was in phases: Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration
(DDR) Aaron (2010). Disarmament of militants entailed the physical
removal of the means of combat from ex belligerents (weapons,
ammunition). Demobilization is the formal and controlled discharge of
active combatants from armed groups, followed by processing of
individual combatants in temporary centres with provision of support
packages. Reintegration entails the process of reintegrating former
combatants/militants into civil society ensuring against the possibility
of a resurgence of armed conflict (Nwachukwu and Pepple, 2011).
The first phase lasted between 6th August and 4th October 2009
(Newswatch, November 9, 2009). The amnesty programme has been hailed by
many as successful given the quantity of arms surrendered by the
militants. Five years after the proclamation of the amnesty and
implementation of the major components of the programme by Goodluck
Jonathan’s administration following the demise of President Musa
Yar’Adua. This study sets out to explore the nexus between the Amnesty
programme granted the Niger Delta militants and National Security.
However, the study will investigate the effect of disarmament of the
militants on crude oil production in Nigeria on one hand, and the effect
of demobilization and reintegration of militants on kidnapping and oil
pipeline vandalization on the other hand.
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